Le Isole Spratly: una posta in gioco in ascesa

28/11/2006

Analisi scritta per il Power and Interest News Report. Geopolitica di una posta in gioco.

In Asian maritime geopolitics, the South China Sea functions as a vital gateway that links the Gulf’s oil to East Asia via the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Although during the recent decades of the Cold War the sometimes aggressive Chinese policy toward Southeast Asian states was tolerated by Washington because of China’s role as a counterweight to the U.S.S.R., after 1991 this state of affairs changed.

Certain figures display the importance of the Spratly Islands as a transport route: the South China Sea is the world’s second busiest international sea lane and conveys roughly one-fourth of the globe’s crude oil and oil products.

Tokyo’s tankers carry around 70 percent of Japan’s oil on these sea lanes, while 90 percent of the oil needed by Washington’s northeast Asian allies reaches its destination through the Strait of Malacca and the South China Sea. Liquefied natural gas, coal, and iron ore are conveyed through the above mentioned route. The waters are also the site of a massive fishing industry. A country that would have the capability to interrupt the free navigation of the sea lines would pose a significant threat to the other powers’ energy security.

L’impero dei Pasdaran?

24/11/2006

Video del programma di approfondimento di Repubblica-TV con Lucio Caracciolo, Carlo Jean e Fabio Mini sull’Iran, la questione nucleare e i rapporti con Russia e Stati Uniti.

    La questione nucleare
    Le possibilità di un attacco statunitense
    I limiti della potenza aerea statunitense
    Il ruolo russo

2007: Multipolarità caotica, proliferazione e tensioni russo-americane

16/11/2006

Il presidente iraniano Ahmadinejad annuncia che l’Iran farà presto “il passo finale” sul nucleare.

Nel frattempo, come ricorda M K Bhadrakumar su Asia Times di oggi:

The recent US congressional mid-term elections ended up only adding to the violently ambivalent Russian-US relationship. While for the rest of the world the elections demystified the pipe dream of neo-conservatism and its limited number of permutations - such as the Iraq war and the democratization of the Middle East - the mood in Moscow was of a dark realism over clean slates and new leases that might never arrive.

Il mondo, a est dell’Europa, entra in una fase di “multipolarità sfaccettata”, alquanto caotica. Si può prevedere quali temi domineranno le relazioni internazionali nel 2007:

    La questione nucleare iraniana
    La questione nucleare nord-coreana
    La sicurezza energetica e il ruolo russo
    La permanenza della tensione russo-americana nell’arco di crisi dalla Bielorussia al Caucaso via Moldova-Ucraina
    La crisi politica turca e le reticenze europee a integrare Ankara
    Le crisi post-belliche in Iraq e Afghanistan
    L’instabilità libanese

Bhadrakumar ricorda comunque come

The influential head of the Politika Foundation, Vyacheslav Nikonov, was voicing a common opinion in Moscow when he said, “The US failure in Iraq is just as painful as the one the US suffered in Vietnam - if not more serious.” The corollary of such a thought is of course that the US dogma of a “unipolar” world has become simply not sustainable any longer.

Russia sees advantages here - having consciously decided to step out of the Western orbit as a matter of destiny, and even to aspire to create a Moscow-centered system. Nikonov explained that in the “multipolar” world order that is shaping up, which may involve 10-15 power centers, given the absence of a “system of collective security with the participation of the US but also China, Russia, Europe, Japan, India and other leading players”, what may ensue in the coming period is a “game without rules” that could well deteriorate into a “multipolar chaos”.

In such a scenario, US policy toward Russia has to become simply more responsible, no matter the domestic party politics in the United States. The Kremlin would therefore estimate that for the next two years at least, the traditional conservative Republicans who have emerged in the corridors of power in the White House in the recent past are of far greater consequence than the new crop of Democrats grandstanding on the Hill during a presidential election year.

For it was they who were usually responsive to the compulsions of ensuring strategic stability with Moscow on a mutual basis, and ensuring that relations with Russia should be based on cooperation rather than crisis.

Georgia: dal regionalismo alla disintegrazione?

13/11/2006

Anche l’Ossezia del Sud, come l’Abkhazia, spinge per l’indipendenza, sulla falsariga di quanto accaduto in Transnistria (Moldova) nei mesi scorsi.

Come previsto, il nuovo orientamento filo-occidentale e anti-russo delle nuove élite moldave e georgiane favorisce le spinte centrifughe alimentate da Mosca in queste repubbliche. Risultato: frammentazione e instabilità.